One of my absolute favourite freedom fighters is a man whose works and actions remain largely undocumented. This is the late Bukusu prophet and leader of the indigenous Dini ya Msambwa religious sect, Elijah Masinde wa Nameme.
The seer was one of the most radical anti-colonialists, leading a religious movement rabidly hated by Kenya’s white pre-independence rulers and continuing the fight for justice and fairness in land appropriation post-independence, ending up as one of the few liberation heroes to continue serving prison sentences long after freedom came.
Of all his pronouncements, perhaps his most memorable has always been one that now comes in different versions, but can loosely be summarised as “leadership will come to the Mulembe Nation from the lake”.
Over the years and especially in the multiparty era where coalition building has become a permanent feature of the electoral cycles, this “prophecy” has routinely been dusted off the shelves and brought to the fore in attempting to mostly encourage Luo-Luhya political unity.
When the doyen, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga died in January 1994, and the leadership baton of his Ford Kenya party was passed to the late Kijana Wamalwa, the overriding vibe within the party was that the prophecy was on its way to fruition.
A united Ford Kenya under Wamalwa was seen to have the potential to make a strong stab at the Presidency in the 1997 general elections, then three years away.
But as fate would have it, chaos ensued inside Ford Kenya over the chairmanship, leading to a mass walkout by the Luo community from the party, when the next election arrived in 1997.
To be honest, echoes of this prophecy might even have come earlier than the said 1994.
As the late Kenneth Matiba and Jaramogi feuded viciously in the original Ford, in late 1991 into early 1992, over the mode of picking a joint Presidential candidate for the 1992 polls, a large section of the party had started pushing for the late Masinde Muliro (no relation to the prophet), another favourite of mine, as a compromise candidate.
In attempting to forestall a major fallout occasioned by the Jaramogi-Matiba disagreement, the faction of Ford pushing for a compromise candidate gained quite some traction. But as fate would have it, Muliro collapsed and died at the JKIA in August 1992, while returning from a visit to London.
His death not only robbed the country of one of the finest politicians to ever walk the land, but for believers of the Elijah Masinde prophecy, the opportunity to see a compliant transition went up in smoke.
In any case, by the time of Muliro’s death, the relationship between Jaramogi and Matiba had irretrievably broken down, and the Ford behemoth had taken the path towards a two-way split, giving birth to Ford Kenya and Ford Asili.
However, every once in a while, in subsequent years, routine unity and coalition initiatives between the Luhya and the Luo have resurrected this talk of the Lake-to-Mulembe potential power move.
Within the Luhya community, the Bukusu sub-tribe tends to be the most radical politically, which makes it a natural ally of the very politically-conscious Luo community.
On its cast of second liberation heroes, the Bukusu boast a stellar list, including Masinde Muliro, Lawrence Sifuna, George Kapten, Wamalwa Kijana (all now deceased) as well as Mukhisa Kituyi and Musikari Kombo.
In fact, at the height of its real power between 1992 and 1995, Ford Kenya was largely a two-community movement bringing together the Luo and the Bukusu heartland of Bungoma and Trans Nzoia Districts.
It is from this powerful and fertile political soil that the current Nairobi Senator and ODM Secretary General, Edwin Sifuna, sprouted.
If there were firebrands that the youthful legislator needed to measure up to and emulate, his homeland provides a sound mix from which to pick.
Most importantly, for as long as the alleged prophecy of Wa Nameme remains unfulfilled, close watchers are on alert to see who the new standard bearer of the dream will be.
It is easy to see how firmly Sifuna fits the bill and it is in more factors than just sharing a heritage with the late freedom icon.
My interest around this matter was piqued by a visit made by the Nairobi Senator to the reigning Luo Ker, Mzee Odungi Randa, last Sunday, at Kobong’o Village, Nyando constituency.
Chinua Achebe says in his hugely beloved book, Things Fall Apart, that the toad does not run in the daytime for nothing.
Similarly, senior politicians do not make such massively significant cultural pilgrimages as the ODM SG made over the weekend, without an underlying medium to long term desire. Make no mistake, the Luo Ker himself is an old political hand.
A long-term aide and ally of the late Jaramogi, Mzee Odungi has served stints in political detention before, paying a price for his closeness to the Odingas.
As the premier leader of the Luo, he also enjoys a bird’s-eye view of the political horizon of the community. It would not have been lost on him that the Senator was extending a hand of friendship to the Luo through him, while re-establishing old ties that have seen the two neighbouring communities cast their lot together many times, in Kenya’s ever-evolving political landscape.
Senator Sifuna arrived at Mzee Odungi’s home with a majestic bull and a ram, symbols of great honour and prestige extended to a ranking Luo elder.
He also brought copious amounts of Busaa, the traditional Bukusu brew, which acts as a tool for communion within the Western Kenya community.
With this heavy symbolism, the Nairobi lawmaker cemented his place as among those who have not only learnt at the feet of the ODM chief Raila Odinga, over the years, but also as a politician with a deep appreciation of the delicate nature of the multi-tribal base that the opposition boss has painstakingly crafted over the decades.
I hold the view that Kenyan politics, even when purportedly practised in urban set-ups, has a very rural base.
The last seven electoral cycles of the multiparty era have confirmed beyond doubt that even actors in major cities in the country still map out their scenarios based on village dynamics, because urban voting populations almost always mirror rural patterns, as voters heed their tribes’ call.
In ODM, the largest and most reliable voting bloc is the Luo one. I am certain that those who seek to consolidate their own support ahead of the next general elections, especially those who will need the Luo vote to come through for them, will be seducing this dependable bloc heavily in the coming months.
I cannot say for certain that Sifuna’s visit came packaged with any ambitious political desires, but only very smart politicians make early moves with such long-term benefits, way before the entire political class wakes up and makes the long caravan.
Sifuna is a Nairobi politician with a huge following among the youth. But he is also one of the most intuitive elected leaders in Parliament today.
In balancing the dynamics
attendant to both his detribalised
youthful support and the old, reliable tribal networks, he obviously
understands the need to keep both
close. And that’s how I view the brilliant and successful tour to the Luo
throne last weekend.