How women got scarred chasing political dream

In the high-stakes world of politics, where every move can mean the difference between success and loss, Liz Waithera’s political journey was a roller-coaster.

Waithera, 39, vied for the Mlango Kubwa ward seat on a UDA ticket in the 2022 elections. Her political ambitions would, however, end on the day of party nominations.

A group of organised goons attacked her at Kiboro Primary School, where she had gone to cast her ballot.

They pulled her hair, tore her blouse and left her bleeding from the cuts on her face.

“I am born and bred in Mathare. This is my community. I felt the safest to vie here, but I was still attacked and blocked from casting my vote,” she says.

“Unfortunately, the police stood by and watched as everything unfolded.”

Before politics, Waithera, a trained psychologist, ran community projects that empowered young people to shun drugs and become economically independent.

Her announcement to join politics was met with cheers, but as the campaigns progressed, violence became imminent.

She successfully appealed the nomination results, but UDA declined to conduct a repeat nomination as instructed by the Political Parties Tribunal and issued the certificate to another candidate.

Her efforts, far from earning her the gratitude and honour she deserved, led to her condemnation and attack, forcing her to quit politics.

“I have not fully recovered from the post-traumatic disorder I got from the experience. But based on that, I don’t think I will ever vie again,” she says.

NAIROBI, SIAYA WORST

Waithera is among the many women who faced violence during the electioneering period in 2022.

A report by Fida on electoral and sexual and gender-based violence says Nairobi and Siaya recorded the highest number of ESGBV cases at 92, followed by Kericho.

The report, conducted between April and September 2022, also showed Mandera and Wajir had the lowest number of cases.

In Kasarani, Mary Mugoro, an aspirant for the Mwiki Ward seat, was abducted and dumped at Karura forest on the day of the nominations.

She lost the seat and had to move out of her home due to the trauma and shame.

Roselyne Ochieng, on the other hand, is slowly picking up the pieces of her life. She is still reeling from the Sh10 million financial loss that almost cost her her marriage.

Ochieng vied for the Embakasi Central parliamentary seat in 2022 on an ODM ticket. This was not her first stab at politics nor second but her third.

Unable to hold back tears, she says the political experience has condemned her to a lifetime medication of pressure.

Ochieng first vied for the Embakasi ward seat in 2007 and lost. In 2017, she set her sights on the Embakasi Central parliamentary seat and won the ODM ticket, only for it to be handed to someone else.

“I knew 2022 was my year because I had laid down all the groundwork. In fact, I was leading in all the opinion polls,” she says.

Her excitement would, however, be cut short on the eve of nominations when her constituency, after months of intense campaigns and financial investment, was zoned in favour of the Jubilee candidate.

“The zoning was done at midnight. I remember receiving the news while in a meeting with my agents,” she says.

“I grew weak and started gasping for air because I knew that was it. The worst part is that the party did not communicate to me officially.”

Waithera and Ochieng’s are two unique experiences of the mistreatment women politicians go through in key political parties. Like Icarus, they are not allowed to fly so high or so low.

WHY THE GENDER RULE

Crawn Trust executive director Daisy Amdany says most women politicians are treated roughly when it comes to politics.

Women work twice as hard as men to win elections, hence the need to enact the elusive not more than two-thirds gender rule.

The rule, under Article 27(8), mandates that not more than two thirds of appointive and elective posts should be of the same gender.

Further, Article 81(b) says the electoral system shall comply with the principle that not more than two-thirds of the members of elective public agencies shall be of the same gender.

“What happened to Waithera and Ochieng is unfortunate. It, however, shows how deeply patriarchal our political parties are, and if this is not addressed, the two-thirds rule will be turned into a moving target,” Amdany says.

“The rule is not just about giving women political seats. It is about giving everyone a voice and curing overrepresentation. It will also put an end to men making clueless decisions affecting women.”

Last month during the G7 summit (gathering of the seven women governors) in Machakos county, women leaders vowed to increase their representation.

The fight for gender equality did not start with the 2010 Constitution. It started in the mid-80s, with the Beijing Declaration in 1985.

The declaration, among 12 other focus areas, pushed for educating and training women, empowering women to occupy spaces on decision-making tables and stopping violence against women.

While some of the focus areas have been achieved, getting women to key decision-making tables has been a herculean task.

In Kenya, at least eight gender bills have been tabled in Parliament, but they all failed.

The latest attempt by the Multisectoral Working Group of the two-thirds gender rule formed by former Gender CS Aisha Jumwa to have the affirmative action enacted, has also hit a brick wall.

The task force proposed an additional 55 special seats to Parliament to realise the two-thirds gender rule.

According to the report, 53 additional seats at the National Assembly will cost less than a day’s KRA tax collection.

The report also wants the Political Parties Act amended to ensure parties’ candidates’ lists have met the threshold.

Unfortunately, the report is currently gathering dust at the Speaker’s office.

“Our intention was to have the two-thirds gender rule bill as one of the nine bills Parliament came up with in the Nadco report because the two thirds issue was one of the critical issues that emerged during the committee’s sittings,” Amdany says.

“We want these women to be competitively elected as well to enable them push for issues. Look at MP Gathoni Wamochomba, she is able to independently express herself because apart from running on a key political party ticket, she knows her ultimate bosses are the electorates.”

ROLE OF THE MEDIA

The gender champions are, however, not just keeping political parties and Parliament in check. Media has also been put on the spot.

African Woman and Child Feature Service executive director Arthur Okwemba says the media should sustain the conversation on the two-thirds gender rule by highlighting success stories of women leadership.

“Women have a unique way of handling issues. You will nominate them to represent women in Parliament but they will address more issues that go beyond women, such as improving livelihoods and economic empowerment,” he says.

“There is value addition that comes with women leadership. Look at what is happening in Homa Bay county in terms of revenue growth. US Ambassador Meg Whitman has also visited the county several times and this has translated to having many development projects and improving the livelihoods of people.”

Establishment of gender desks within media houses will also amplify the voices of women aspirants and highlight the critical laws that touch on the principle.

Kenya currently has seven women governors from the previous three, 30 elected women MPs and 114 ward representatives.

For the first time, a female Attorney General was appointed and the Judiciary is headed and deputised by women.

Like Waithera and Mugoro, many women have given up on their political ambitions due to the lack of a level playing field.

Ochieng, nonetheless, is still soldiering on. However worn out, she says 2027 will be her last attempt. Meanwhile, she is still laying the ground for her political comeback by supporting her community and participating in party activities.