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LAWI SULTAN: Why Kenyans must delink power to reclaim sovereignty

Decades after independence, our institutions remain shackled by colonial-era designs that concentrate power.

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by Lawi Sultan Njeremani

Opinion26 February 2025 - 09:00
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In Summary


  • Kenya’s presidency is a Frankensteinian relic, a trifecta that creates a toxic culture of personality politics, where leaders prioritise self-preservation over service.
  • As a social consciousness theorist, I argue that the path to Kenya’s true liberation lies not in superficial reforms but in structural delinking.

Lawi Sultan Njeremani/HANDOUT



Kenya stands at a crossroads. Decades after independence, our institutions remain shackled by colonial-era designs that concentrate power, stifle accountability, and breed systemic inequities.

As a social consciousness theorist, I argue that the path to Kenya’s true liberation lies not in superficial reforms but in structural delinking—a radical reimagining of how power is distributed among critical institutions.

Here is why three bold separations are urgent: Head of state vs head of government: Ending the cult of imperial presidency Kenya’s presidency is a Frankensteinian relic, merging the symbolic unity of a head of state with the gritty machinery of a head of government—all while retaining unchecked military authority.

This trifecta creates a toxic culture of personality politics, where leaders prioritise self-preservation over public service. By delinking these roles, we dismantle the imperial presidency.

A non-partisan head of state, elected directly by the people and is not a member of any political party, will embody national unity, while a head of government, elected by the people, from the party or coalition of parties with a majority of legislators focuses on governance.

Separately, a civilianled National Security Council, not a lone Commander-in-Chief, should oversee defence. This matters for three reasons.

One, power to the people: A ceremonial head of state would depoliticise national symbols, fostering inclusivity in a divided nation.

Two is accountability. A head of government held to stricter parliamentary scrutiny would reduce grand corruption (for example, the Goldenberg and Anglo-Leasing plunders).

Three, peace. Civilian oversight of the military would curb politicised deployments, like the controversial 2017 election security crackdown.

The cost of maintaining three offices is negligible compared to the billions lost annually to presidential impunity.

Treasury vs Ministry of Finance: Breaking the chains of fiscal oligarchy Today, the Ministry of Finance operates like a shadowy oligarchy. It plans budgets, spends funds, and manages debt—a conflict of interest that enables off-budget graft and reckless borrowing.

Delinking the Treasury (as an independent cash manager) from the ministry (as a policy planner) would end this monopoly. Imagine a Treasury mandated to collect revenue, pay debts, and block unauthorised spending, while the ministry focuses on long-term vision—like affordable housing and climate resilience. Why does this matter?

First, there is the issue of transparency. A standalone Treasury could audit and publicise real-time expenditure, ending Kenya’s culture of ‘budgeted theft’.

Second is economic justice: Funds previously lost to inflated contracts (see Kemsa scandals) could instead subsidise education and healthcare.

Third is sovereignty. Independent debt management would avert China-style asset seizures (for example, Mombasa port risks). The “cost” of duplication is a myth—Kenya already wastes 30 per cent of its budget to corruption. Delinking would save far more.

Electoral Commission vs Boundaries Commission: Rescuing democracy from cartels The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission’s dual mandate—to run elections and redraw boundaries—is like asking a fox to guard chickens and design the coop.

Gerrymandering and biased voter registration have long been tools for ethnic kingpins to entrench power. A standalone boundaries commission, guided by impartial criteria (population, geography), would end the sham of ‘winnertakes-all’ constituency carving.

Meanwhile, an electoral commission freed from political interference could focus on credible polls. This would lead to one, fair representation: Marginalised regions (eg, Northern Kenya) would gain constituencies regarding their needs, not political deals.

Two, civic trust. In 2022, only 65 per cent of Kenyans trusted the IEBC. Delinking could restore faith in democracy.

Three, peace: Neutral boundaries reduce election violence—no more ‘tyranny of numbers’ incitement. The 2017 election cost Kenya $500 million (Sh64.7 billion) in disputes and GDP losses. Preventing such chaos is priceless.

Critics will cry, “Too expensive! Too complex!” But what is the true cost of not acting? Kenya loses Sh2 billion shillings daily to corruption. Our youth flee abroad, disillusioned.

Ethnic tensions simmer. Delinking power is not just administrative—it’s a philosophical revolution. It rejects the lie that Kenyans are incapable of self-governance. It declares that no single individual or office should hold the keys to our democracy, economy, or sovereignty.

To the sceptics: Remember Kenya’s 2010 Constitution? It was called ‘idealistic’ too. Yet it birthed devolution, a watershed in grassroots empowerment.

Delinking is the next logical step. Kenya’s greatest resource is not its tea, tourism, or tech hubs—it’s the collective consciousness of its people. By delinking these institutions, we honour the dreams of Mau Mau freedom fighters and the youth marching for #FreeKE. We affirm that power, like light, shines brightest when dispersed.

Lawi Sultan Njeremani is a social consciousness theorist and author of ‘The Trouble with Kenya: McKenzian Blueprint’

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