• Recent protests in Kenya point to a change in the nature of youth involvement in African governance
• The rise of social media and civic engagement have enabled a demographic previously perceived as apathetic to get involved in socio-economic development policies
Image: MUMBI OYOO
A pink-coloured water canon is aimed at the protesters who are shouting ‘haki yetu, haki yetu’ (our right! our right!). Quickly dispersed by the high-pressure water and teargas, one group starts to sing the Kenya National anthem, waving small Kenyan flags. The images are soon trending across most social media platforms and before the day is out, make headlines worldwide.
Among the protesters is William Sakawa, a journalist, producer and content creator. He’s dressed in all black with a black-and-white keffiyeh tied around his neck and covering part of his head.
While protesting, he posts repeatedly, engaging his fellow young Kenyans on why the country's Finance Bill 2024 should not become law.
Back at his office, Sakawa calmly scrolls through social media to catch up with the latest on the protests. The protests are now into their second week and an unconfirmed number of protesters have lost their lives. For Sakawa, these protests are the continuation of a tradition of social protest that began in Kenya during the presidency of Daniel arap Moi.
“This is not the first protest. We have had different generations,” said Sakawa, who is also an activist with the Communist Party of Kenya.
“In the 90s, we had the Mwakenyas, so these problems have always been there. But what I feel is that the pressure was building and everything got to a breaking point. This felt like it.”
The Finance Bill 2024, described as punitive by the protesters, sought to raise taxes on essential services and items, including diapers, sanitary pads and Internet data.
While offered as a solution to lower Kenya's national debt, the bill came at a time when the country's youth — Kenya and Africa's largest demographic — was grappling with unemployment and the highest inflation rate in decades.
The bill was meant to increase domestic revenue by $2.7 billion but came on the heels of a series of other taxes, including the country's controversial Housing Levy, which imposes a mandatory 3 per cent on all salaried employees, to help pay for affordable housing in the country.
TECH-SAVVY YOUTH
The movement against the bill was born in digital spaces. On the first day of protests, X (formerly Twitter), Instagram and TikTok featured young protesters gathering in highly organised and well-curated, peaceful demonstrations on the streets of downtown Nairobi and in other city centres across the country.
Resplendent in trendy and colourful attire and and highly photogenic, protesters held placards and carried the Kenyan flag in a carefully choreographed show of unity and solidarity not seen before in Kenya. The protesters used the hashtag #RejectFinanceBill2024 and popularised the mantra, “Rage and Courage”. The protests soon became known as the Gen Z Protest, reflecting the demographic and the protesters' digital skills.
“I think Kenyans remember pretty well. He [President Ruto] had a very clear manifesto when he was campaigning: 'I'll deal with corruption; I’ll form a state capture inquiry. I'll curb borrowing',” Sakawa said.
“But then he gets to power and his pledges to work for the poor people, the working class, suddenly disappear.”
With similar movements like the 2021 End SARS of Nigeria and the 2014 mass protests in Burkina Faso, Gen Z protests in Kenya have ushered in a new era of digital activism and youth advocacy.
They have also showcased the power of digital spaces as an amplifying tool. Within minutes of the #RejectFinanceBill2024 hashtage being posted, it had trended worldwide, drawing the attention of both local and international online communities and drumming up support, at least digitally.
The protests were also special in that they were decentralised and did not have the usual backing of a traditional political leader. As in the case, past protests in Kenya were heavily influenced by politicians, who would rally people based on their potential personal gains and biases.
“I think the biggest difference for this round of protests was the mobilisation part of it. The only person who's been known for organising protest has been Raila [Kenya’s longest-serving opposition leader], but this time, we don't see any of these high-ranking politicians around that space,” Sakawa said.
“The biggest difference is the leaderless aspect of it, and the mobilisation; the use of the Internet to mobilise people to come out on the streets, on Twitter and TikTok.”
UNITY OF PURPOSE
The protests started in Nairobi, the capital city, but soon spread to every part of the country. And it was not just the young people anymore. The older generation soon joined in, with videos of mothers and fathers soon going viral. The whole country was united and speaking in one voice.
As most people were peacefully protesting on the streets, many others offered their services. Doctors set up medical centres, while one mosque in the capital provided water, food and shelter for the protesters.
Boniface Mwangi, a photojournalist and social activist, was very vocal during the protests, amplifying through his X page and going to the streets.
“What the government did not realise is that Kenyans are not dead. They are awake,” he said.
“They could see the pride, the arrogance, the corruption, and that's the bad attitude from the government.”
Mwangi got arrested like many others, but this did not deter the young protesters, who managed to breach Parliament on June 25.
“These kids said, ‘You know what?’ We are tired of what you did to us, and we are going to speak up. And they spoke. Within three weeks, Kenya changed forever. The young people showed up. It wasn't about tribe. It wasn't about party,” he said.
“It wasn't about gender. They showed up on issues, and now we are all united on similar issues.”
These protests changed the face of advocacy. Kenya is used to violent, disruptive protests heavily charged by politics. The Gen Z protests were peaceful and altruistic. Some of these young protesters were captured on camera sharing water with the same police who were teargassing them.
Woman Representative Rose Museo, who is physically handicapped, remarked in a story by BBC, “They were holding my hands, they told me: 'Our problem was the Finance Bill'.”
NEW MODE OF OPERATION
Beyond the physical protests, this movement has birthed new, alternative ways of dealing with issues. A group of youth has come up with a document breaking down President Ruto’s manifesto. In it, they highlight the promises he made, those he’s kept and the ones (un)fulfilled.
Another has come up with a document for youth all over the country to share their views on the Kenya they want and how that can be achieved.
Just how they started, on the digital space, the protests culminated on X, where the President hosted an X space. This is after he rescinded the bill and called for the protests to stop and a conversation held on the same. On its own, this was a historic move as no other African president has ever addressed the masses on a social media platform before.
On X, the President remarked, “I should be more on this X space to engage with you guys. Listening to the feedback, my take-home is I need to listen more.”
The protests have ushered a new era: people demanding accountability from the governments. The youth, mostly deemed apathetic to governance issues, taking a stance and acting on it. The youth are showing initiative and pushing for conversation.
Gachui Kariuki, director at Ustawi-Ke, a community-based organisation championing youth-led accountability, feels issues affecting the youth should be handled through existing structures to avoid politicisation.
“So far as young people are concerned, it's very important to keep politicians out of this. It is very important to use structures, their resources and expertise to ensure that this conversation can keep going,” Kariuki said.
Other African countries have also been inspired by the Gen Z protests, with Nigeria having given notice to go to the streets in planned demonstrations.
In a recent turn of events prompted by the protests, President Ruto fired nearly his entire cabinet on July 11.
“I think from here on out, the President and his Parliament have to be a lot more cognisant to what the people are saying to them. They can't just bulldoze whatever they want to bulldoze because they have the monopoly,” Sakawa said.
“I'd really like for the rest of Africa to realise you don't need a politician or any other figure. You are the youth, you have similar interests. What kind of future do we want our children to grow up in?”