Despite the evident determination and desire to prove a point, noise, and haste from Gen Z showcased on prime time television a few days ago, a team of three young people struggled to ‘juggle a liver’if am to borrow the Michuki’s famous analogy.
Their sheer inexperience often manifested during the interview through an over reliance on idealism without a pragmatic approach to the intellectual engagement. Despite being packaged as human rights defenders or fighters, they clearly engaged in hasty political talk. Politics and power are indeed murky, and it is always useful to have a grasp of history, even when you feel the need to rewrite it.
Economic hardship has been a cementing factor for the demonstrations, and the unfortunate looting is a result of this. The president dropped the Finance Bill, 2024, after considering the upheaval and later dismissed his entire cabinet, save for his deputy, the Prime Cabinet Secretary, and the Cabinet Secretary for Foreign and Diaspora Affairs, Musalia Mudavadi.
This means that a raft of measures to fix economic and other policy challenges will be expected. As a result, most Gen Z opted out of the streets, but a new agenda started thereafter with new demands by unscrupulous individuals adulterating the initial push.
Prominent media have been setting the agenda for the removal of a government they consider unfriendly to them, alleging pending bills the government owes them and their unmet need for a larger chunk of advertising money.
These media channels are owned by people who have been involved in politics before and have major business interests in the country. A former president owns one of the conglomerates having significant shares in another. Another media mogul has been a chairman in a steering group for a political party before and is involved in litigation with government all over. These owners are determined to make it impossible for Ruto to govern.
On days designated for protests, these television stations will go live early to mobilise youths to the streets using subliminal communication, with sirens and chaotic noises played in the background of footage they screen. This is a big reason why, despite the dropping of the Finance Bill, 2024, some Gen Z youths, combined with other youth keen to loot, have continued to go to the streets.
There are youth who are virtually unaware and are stupefied by agenda-setting content on social and new media. This content is weaponised to affect their minds, creating a very negative picture of the state of affairs in the country and buoying them to keep going to the streets. The power of strategic and subliminal communication has been at play, and for many naïve youth, it is a game they cannot decipher.
One of the three young Kenyans stated that they would be able to run the government. Even if they were to go for power, the greatest challenge for Gen Z is their utter unpreparedness in the struggle for power in Kenya. The second liberation history shows figures; Kenneth Matiba, Charles Rubia, Waruru Kanja, George Anyona, Lawrence Sifuna, and Koigi Wamwere, among others, struggled for change in Kenya during the difficult Moi era.
A learning point from this period is that one can make an impact in their own small way but only in partnership with those in governance. It is not until Moi agreed to have the constitution amended that the change they pursued was permitted. These people still left a dissatisfied populace showing that no one or a group of people can do it on their own. The democratic space was expanded, though and which is what Gen Z are enjoying.
The shadowy brains behind the Gen Z upheaval in Kenya were smart in that they wanted the youths to cause havoc and make the country ungovernable, yet made them leaderless so that a vacuum would be left for some of the political class to occupy. This is one of the gaps that hinder any potential of Gen Z translating activism into meaningful and lasting political influence.
The leaderless nature of many Gen Z movements, while providing some tactical advantages, also highlights a critical weakness: the lack of cohesive leadership. Effective political movements require not just passion but also structured leadership to strategise negotiate, and make critical decisions.
Another glaring issue is the lack of political experience among Gen Z. Politics in Kenya, much like elsewhere, is a complex and often murky arena that demands strategic acumen, a deep understanding of governance, and an ability to navigate entrenched power structures. Most Gen Z activists have yet to acquire the necessary experience to manoeuvre through this labyrinthine system.
Beyond protests and demonstrations, the fight for power requires well-articulated policy proposals and a clear vision for governance. Many Gen Z activists focus on broad, abstract ideals without presenting detailed, actionable plans.
You can criticise the government, but questions abound about what alternatives you are offering. It is essential to move beyond slogans and provide comprehensive solutions to the country’s myriad challenges, something this generation has yet to effectively demonstrate.
There have been threats about recalling MPs, for instance, but Gen Z is yet to find a way. Understanding the law and engaging with institutional mechanisms is crucial for political success. The president already signed the IEBC Bill into law a week ago, which puts electoral processes back on track. It is a process that will take time. It is absurd that Gen Z handlers want them to sustain demonstrations even as other democratic processes are being opened up.
Gen Z can never be a group that stands on its own because of economic constraints, which means they will have to depend on handlers such as the disgruntled political class. This is why the media owned by the power-hungry oligarchs is supporting them—because the agenda is for the young men and women to fight for them while they stay in the shadows.
Political commentator